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elections to the Soviet

  • 1 выборы

    мн.
    election sg., elections

    всеобщие, прямые, равные выборы при тайном голосовании — universal, direct and equal elections by secret ballot

    Русско-английский словарь Смирнитского > выборы

  • 2 партия Народного согласия

    the Party of People’s Concordance

    Он выдвигался от партии "Народного согласия" в Верховный Совет 1-го созыва. — The Party of People’s Concordance proposed him for candidates at the elections to the Supreme Soviet of the 1st convocation.

    Дополнительный универсальный русско-английский словарь > партия Народного согласия

  • 3 Rosas, Fernando

    (1946-)
       Portuguese academic, writer, and politician. A student at Lisbon's Pedro Nunes High School, Rosas joined the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) through an organization at that school in 1961. He entered Lisbon University's Law School and, as a militant leftist student, was arrested and imprisoned by the political police, PIDE, on several occasions in 1965, 1971, and 1973. He went underground to escape further arrest and prison until the Revolution of 25 April 1974. After he had broken with the PCP following the Paris student riots of May 1968 and the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, Rosas joined a Maoist organization and directed a radical newspaper, Luta Popular (People's Struggle).
       Rosas returned to university study in 1981, producing a great deal of journalism oriented to historical studies in major Lisbon newspapers such as Diário de Notícias and Público. In 1986, he received a master's degree in contemporary history and joined the human and social sciences faculty at the New University of Lisbon. In 1990, he completed his Ph.D. in history and became president of the Instituto de Historia Contemporanea, a consultant for the Mário Soares Foundation, and editor of História magazine. In 1999, he reentered politics and helped establish a party coalition, Left Bloc or Bloco de Esquerda (BE); in the 2001 presidential elections he ran as a candidate for the BE, garnering only 2.9 percent of the vote.
       In 2006, he was decorated by the president of the republic with a medal, as Commander of the Great Cross, Order of Liberty. An authority on the subject of 20th-century political and economic history, especially on the period of the Estado Novo, he is the author, coauthor, or editor of more than a dozen books and many scores of articles and chapters in newspapers and scholarly and popular journals and magazines, and he has been active in organizing international scholarly conferences.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Rosas, Fernando

  • 4 Salazar, Antônio de Oliveira

    (1889-1970)
       The Coimbra University professor of finance and economics and one of the founders of the Estado Novo, who came to dominate Western Europe's longest surviving authoritarian system. Salazar was born on 28 April 1889, in Vimieiro, Beira Alta province, the son of a peasant estate manager and a shopkeeper. Most of his first 39 years were spent as a student, and later as a teacher in a secondary school and a professor at Coimbra University's law school. Nine formative years were spent at Viseu's Catholic Seminary (1900-09), preparing for the Catholic priesthood, but the serious, studious Salazar decided to enter Coimbra University instead in 1910, the year the Braganza monarchy was overthrown and replaced by the First Republic. Salazar received some of the highest marks of his generation of students and, in 1918, was awarded a doctoral degree in finance and economics. Pleading inexperience, Salazar rejected an invitation in August 1918 to become finance minister in the "New Republic" government of President Sidónio Pais.
       As a celebrated academic who was deeply involved in Coimbra University politics, publishing works on the troubled finances of the besieged First Republic, and a leader of Catholic organizations, Sala-zar was not as modest, reclusive, or unknown as later official propaganda led the public to believe. In 1921, as a Catholic deputy, he briefly served in the First Republic's turbulent congress (parliament) but resigned shortly after witnessing but one stormy session. Salazar taught at Coimbra University as of 1916, and continued teaching until April 1928. When the military overthrew the First Republic in May 1926, Salazar was offered the Ministry of Finance and held office for several days. The ascetic academic, however, resigned his post when he discovered the degree of disorder in Lisbon's government and when his demands for budget authority were rejected.
       As the military dictatorship failed to reform finances in the following years, Salazar was reinvited to become minister of finances in April 1928. Since his conditions for acceptance—authority over all budget expenditures, among other powers—were accepted, Salazar entered the government. Using the Ministry of Finance as a power base, following several years of successful financial reforms, Salazar was named interim minister of colonies (1930) and soon garnered sufficient prestige and authority to become head of the entire government. In July 1932, Salazar was named prime minister, the first civilian to hold that post since the 1926 military coup.
       Salazar gathered around him a team of largely academic experts in the cabinet during the period 1930-33. His government featured several key policies: Portuguese nationalism, colonialism (rebuilding an empire in shambles), Catholicism, and conservative fiscal management. Salazar's government came to be called the Estado Novo. It went through three basic phases during Salazar's long tenure in office, and Salazar's role underwent changes as well. In the early years (1928-44), Salazar and the Estado Novo enjoyed greater vigor and popularity than later. During the middle years (1944—58), the regime's popularity waned, methods of repression increased and hardened, and Salazar grew more dogmatic in his policies and ways. During the late years (1958-68), the regime experienced its most serious colonial problems, ruling circles—including Salazar—aged and increasingly failed, and opposition burgeoned and grew bolder.
       Salazar's plans for stabilizing the economy and strengthening social and financial programs were shaken with the impact of the civil war (1936-39) in neighboring Spain. Salazar strongly supported General Francisco Franco's Nationalist rebels, the eventual victors in the war. But, as the civil war ended and World War II began in September 1939, Salazar's domestic plans had to be adjusted. As Salazar came to monopolize Lisbon's power and authority—indeed to embody the Estado Novo itself—during crises that threatened the future of the regime, he assumed ever more key cabinet posts. At various times between 1936 and 1944, he took over the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and of War (Defense), until the crises passed. At the end of the exhausting period of World War II, there were rumors that the former professor would resign from government and return to Coimbra University, but Salazar continued as the increasingly isolated, dominating "recluse of São Bento," that part of the parliament's buildings housing the prime minister's offices and residence.
       Salazar dominated the Estado Novo's government in several ways: in day-to-day governance, although this diminished as he delegated wider powers to others after 1944, and in long-range policy decisions, as well as in the spirit and image of the system. He also launched and dominated the single party, the União Nacional. A lifelong bachelor who had once stated that he could not leave for Lisbon because he had to care for his aged mother, Salazar never married, but lived with a beloved housekeeper from his Coimbra years and two adopted daughters. During his 36-year tenure as prime minister, Salazar engineered the important cabinet reshuffles that reflect the history of the Estado Novo and of Portugal.
       A number of times, in connection with significant events, Salazar decided on important cabinet officer changes: 11 April 1933 (the adoption of the Estado Novo's new 1933 Constitution); 18 January 1936 (the approach of civil war in Spain and the growing threat of international intervention in Iberian affairs during the unstable Second Spanish Republic of 1931-36); 4 September 1944 (the Allied invasion of Europe at Normandy and the increasing likelihood of a defeat of the Fascists by the Allies, which included the Soviet Union); 14 August 1958 (increased domestic dissent and opposition following the May-June 1958 presidential elections in which oppositionist and former regime stalwart-loyalist General Humberto Delgado garnered at least 25 percent of the national vote, but lost to regime candidate, Admiral Américo Tomás); 13 April 1961 (following the shock of anticolonial African insurgency in Portugal's colony of Angola in January-February 1961, the oppositionist hijacking of a Portuguese ocean liner off South America by Henrique Galvão, and an abortive military coup that failed to oust Salazar from office); and 19 August 1968 (the aging of key leaders in the government, including the now gravely ill Salazar, and the defection of key younger followers).
       In response to the 1961 crisis in Africa and to threats to Portuguese India from the Indian government, Salazar assumed the post of minister of defense (April 1961-December 1962). The failing leader, whose true state of health was kept from the public for as long as possible, appointed a group of younger cabinet officers in the 1960s, but no likely successors were groomed to take his place. Two of the older generation, Teotónio Pereira, who was in bad health, and Marcello Caetano, who preferred to remain at the University of Lisbon or in private law practice, remained in the political wilderness.
       As the colonial wars in three African territories grew more costly, Salazar became more isolated from reality. On 3 August 1968, while resting at his summer residence, the Fortress of São João do Estoril outside Lisbon, a deck chair collapsed beneath Salazar and his head struck the hard floor. Some weeks later, as a result, Salazar was incapacitated by a stroke and cerebral hemorrhage, was hospitalized, and became an invalid. While hesitating to fill the power vacuum that had unexpectedly appeared, President Tomás finally replaced Salazar as prime minister on 27 September 1968, with his former protégé and colleague, Marcello Caetano. Salazar was not informed that he no longer headed the government, but he never recovered his health. On 27 July 1970, Salazar died in Lisbon and was buried at Santa Comba Dão, Vimieiro, his village and place of birth.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Salazar, Antônio de Oliveira

  • 5 Portuguese Communist Party

    (PCP)
       The Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) has evolved from its early anarcho-syndicalist roots at its formation in 1921. This evolution included the undisciplined years of the 1920s, during which bolshevization began and continued into the 1930s, then through the years of clandestine existence during the Estado Novo, the Stalinization of the 1940s, the "anarcho-liberal shift" of the 1950s, the emergence of Maoist and Trotskyist splinter groups of the 1960s, to legalization after the Revolution of 25 April 1974 as the strongest and oldest political party in Portugal. Documents from the Russian archives have shown that the PCP's history is not a purely "domestic" one. While the PCP was born on its own without Soviet assistance, once it joined the Communist International (CI), it lost a significant amount of autonomy as CI officials increasingly meddled in PCP internal politics by dictating policy, manipulating leadership elections, and often financing party activities.
       Early Portuguese communism was a mix of communist ideological strands accustomed to a spirited internal debate, a lively external debate with its rivals, and a loose organizational structure. The PCP, during its early years, was weak in grassroots membership and was basically a party of "notables." It was predominantly a male organization, with minuscule female participation. It was also primarily an urban party concentrated in Lisbon. The PCP membership declined from 3,000 in 1923 to only 40 in 1928.
       In 1929, the party was reorganized so that it could survive clandestinely. As its activity progressed in the 1930s, a long period of instability dominated its leadership organs as a result of repression, imprisonments, and disorganization. The CI continued to intervene in party affairs through the 1930s, until the PCP was expelled from the CI in 1938-39, apparently because of its conduct during police arrests.
       The years of 1939-41 were difficult ones for the party, not only because of increased domestic repression but also because of internal party splits provoked by the Nazi-Soviet pact and other foreign actions. From 1940 to 1941, two Communist parties struggled to attract the support of the CI and accused each other of "revisionism." The CI was disbanded in 1943, and the PCP was not accepted back into the international communist family until its recognition by the Cominform in 1947.
       The reorganization of 1940-41 finally put the PCP under the firm control of orthodox communists who viewed socialism from a Soviet perspective. Although Soviet support was denied the newly reorganized party at first, the new leaders continued its Stalinization. The enforcement of "democratic centralism" and insistence upon the "dictatorship of the proletariat" became entrenched. The 1940s brought increased growth, as the party reached its membership apex of the clandestine era with 1,200 members in 1943, approximately 4,800 in 1946, and 7,000 in 1947.
       The party fell on hard times in the 1950s. It developed a bad case of paranoia, which led to a witch hunt for infiltrators, informers, and spies in all ranks of the party. The lower membership figures who followed the united antifascist period were reduced further through expulsions of the "traitors." By 1951, the party had been reduced to only 1,000 members. It became a closed, sectarian, suspicious, and paranoiac organization, with diminished strength in almost every region, except in the Alentejo, where the party, through propaganda and ideology more than organizational strength, was able to mobilize strikes of landless peasants in the early 1950s.
       On 3 January 1960, Álvaro Cunhal and nine other political prisoners made a spectacular escape from the Peniche prison and fled the country. Soon after this escape, Cunhal was elected secretary-general and, with other top leaders, directed the PCP from exile. Trotskyite and Maoist fractions emerged within the party in the 1960s, strengthened by the ideological developments in the international communist movement, such as in China and Cuba. The PCP would not tolerate dissent or leftism and began purging the extreme left fractions.
       The PCP intensified its control of the labor movement after the more liberal syndical election regulations under Prime Minister Mar- cello Caetano allowed communists to run for leadership positions in the corporative unions. By 1973, there was general unrest in the labor movement due to deteriorating economic conditions brought on by the colonial wars, as well as by world economic pressures including the Arab oil boycott.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, the PCP enjoyed a unique position: it was the only party to have survived the Estado Novo. It emerged from clandestinity as the best organized political party in Portugal with a leadership hardened by years in jail. Since then, despite the party's stubborn orthodoxy, it has consistently played an important role as a moderating force. As even the Socialist Party (PS) was swept up by the neoliberal tidal wave, albeit a more compassionate variant, increasingly the PCP has played a crucial role in ensuring that interests and perspectives of the traditional Left are aired.
       One of the most consistent planks of the PCP electoral platform has been opposition to every stage of European integration. The party has regularly resisted Portuguese membership in the European Economic Community (EEC) and, following membership beginning in 1986, the party has regularly resisted further integration through the European Union (EU). A major argument has been that EU membership would not resolve Portugal's chronic economic problems but would only increase its dependence on the world. Ever since, the PCP has argued that its opposition to membership was correct and that further involvement with the EU would only result in further economic dependence and a consequent loss of Portuguese national sovereignty. Further, the party maintained that as Portugal's ties with the EU increased, the vulnerable agrarian sector in Portugal would risk further losses.
       Changes in PCP leadership may or may not alter the party's electoral position and role in the political system. As younger generations forget the uniqueness of the party's resistance to the Estado Novo, public images of PCP leadership will change. As the image of Álvaro Cunhal and other historical communist leaders slowly recedes, and the stature of Carlos Carvalhas (general secretary since 1992) and other moderate leaders is enhanced, the party's survival and legitimacy have strengthened. On 6 March 2001, the PCP celebrated its 80th anniversary.
        See also Left Bloc.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Portuguese Communist Party

  • 6 ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЕ ТЕРМИНЫ

    @СНГ @Содружество Независимых Государств CIS (Commonwealth of Independent States) @Российская Федерация Russian Federation @ автономная республика autonomous Republic @область oblast' (region) @район region ( also city district) @округ national territory/territorial district @край territory, region, district @город федерального подчинения federal city @Президент President @Канцелярия Президента President's Office @Генеральный Секретарь - General Secretary (of Soviet Communist Party);
    - Secretary-General (for leading official of the United Nations and of other international organizations)
    @зампред deputy chairman, vice-chairman, vice-premier @министр minister, @замминистра deputy minister @Премьер-министр @председатель правительства Prime Minister, Premier @Съезд Народных Депутатов Congress of People's Deputies @Федеральное Собрание Federal Assembly @Совет Федерации Federation Council (upper house of Parliament) @Государственная Дума State Duma (lower house of Parliament) @созвать Думу to convene the Duma @распустить Думу to disband the Duma @депутатская неприкосновенность immunity of the deputies @фракция faction @КПРФ @Коммунистическая партия Российской Федерации Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF) @ЛДПР @Либерально-демократическая партия России RLDP (Russian Liberal-Democratic Party) @Наш дом — Россия "Our Home is Russia" @Аграрная депутатская группа Agrarian Deputy Group @Депутатская группа «Народовластие» The "People's Power" Deputy Group @Яблоко "Yabloko" @райсовет Regional Council @горсовет City Council @горисполком @городской исполнительный комитет City Executive Committee @народный суд People's court @народные заседатели People's assessors @Верховный суд Supreme Court @Конституционный суд Constitutional Court @Высший арбитражный суд Court of Final Arbitration @Прокуратура Public Prosecutor's Office @Генеральная прокуратура Prosecutor General's Office @прокурор prosecutor, Public Prosecutor @Министр юстиции США @Генеральный прокурор США Attorney General @Госплан @Госкомитет по планированию State Planning Committee @Министерство высшего и среднего образования Ministry of Higher and Secondary Education @Министерство тяжелой промышленности Ministry of Heavy Industry @Министерство обороны @МО Ministry of Defense @Министерство иностранных дел @МИД Ministry of Foreign Affairs @Министерство связи Ministry of Communications @Министерство внутренних дел Ministry of Internal Affairs @Министерство охраны окружающей среды и природных ресурсов Ministry for Environmental Protection and Natural Resources @Министр США Secretary (e.g. Secretary of State - ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЕ ТЕРМИНЫ иностранных дел) @Министр обороны Secretary of Defense @Федеральная служба безопасности @ФСБ State Security Service @государственные деятели statesmen/government officials @мэр mayor @мэрия mayor's office @Госсекретарь США Secretary of State (US) @палата представителей США Congress (US) @сенат Senate @Спикер Speaker of the House @секретарь партийной фракции whip @законодательные органы legislative bodies @исполнительные власти the executive branch, executive authorities @судебные власти the judiciary, judicial branch, authorities @центральная избирательная комиссия Central electoral commission @всеобщее избирательное право universal suffrage @баллотироваться to run for office @переизбираться to run for office again @лидировать to be in the lead, to play a leading role @финишировать to finish, end up @избиратели voters @избирательный округ electoral district @повторное голосование runoff election @повторные выборы repeat elections @Досрочные выборы early elections @выдвижение кандидатов nomination of candidates @предвыборная кампания electoral campaign @урна ballot box @бюллетень ballot @сдержки и противовесы checks and balances @вести переговоры to conduct negotiations @присоединение к договору accession to a treaty @наложить санкции impose sanctions @снять санкции lift sanctions @приостановить санкции suspend sanctions @МОП @Меморандум о понимании MOU (Memorandum of Understanding) @большая семерка G-7 @ОБСЕ @Организация по безопасности и сотрудничеству в Европе OSCE (Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe) @ЕС @Европейский Союз EU (European Union) @

    Словарь переводчика-синхрониста (русско-английский) > ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЕ ТЕРМИНЫ

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